Stateless nations gather in Barcelona

SPEAKING on TV De Catalunya’s TV3, Sinn Féin Poblachtach Ard Chomhairle member, Des Dalton, Kildare, said that the conflict in Ireland was a conflict between the Irish people’s right to self-determination and Britain’s denial of that right.

Des Dalton of Republican Sinn Féin addressing the Conference of European Stateless Peoples in Barcelona during January.

During a 20 minute interview on Bon Dia Catlunya (Good Morning Catalonia) a current affairs programme on January 19, Des Dalton pointed out that the Stormont Agreement could not deliver a just and lasting peace as it failed to address the root cause of conflict in Ireland which is the British presence. "The Stormont Agreement is simply about updating British rule in Ireland, making it more acceptable to the Nationalist community in the Six Counties. Republican Sinn Féin believe it is only by ending British rule, not updating it or making it more acceptable that the conditions for a just and lasting peace in Ireland can be created" Des Dalton said.

Asked about Republican Sinn Féin’s views on the conflict in the Basque Country, Des Dalton said: "just as we uphold Ireland’s right to self-determination we would also support the Basque people’s right to National Sovereignty".

Des Dalton was in Barcelona to attend an international conference from January 19-21 hosted by CIEMEN, a Barcelona based group, celebrating their 25th Anniversary this year, who promote co-operation and dialogue amongst the Nationalities of Europe seeking Independence. The conference was held under the umbrella of CONSEU or the ‘Conference of European Stateless Nations, the fourth such conference and drew a wide spectrum of organisations, cultural and political from across Europe, Ireland, Brittany, Corsica, the Basque Country, Galicia, Scotland, Wales, the Isle of Man, Sardinia, Catalonia, Flanders, a member of the Slovenian Parliament and a representative of the Faeroe Islands, who are holding a referendum on independence from Denmark in April. The Celtic League were also represented.

The conference adopted a Universal Declaration of the Collective Rights of Peoples drafted by CONSEU following its Third Summit three years ago. The declaration defines a nation as a group of people in a defined area who share a common history, language or culture. It goes on to uphold the right of oppressed peoples to defend in arms their right to national self-determination. The Declaration is to be presented to International Organisations such as the UN, as a means of enshrining in International law the Right to self-determination.

The Conference was opened by Joaquim Llimona, General Director for Foreign Affairs of the Generalitat de Catalunya (Autonomous Government of Catalonia) and Jordi Portabella, Third Deputy Mayor of the Barcelona City Council, who in his address pointed out that Barcelona is the capital of a Nation not the second city of the Spanish State.

Addressing the conference Des Dalton outlined the political situation in Ireland and Sinn Féin Poblachtach’a opposition to the Stormont Agreement. He went on to explain Sinn Féin Poblachtach’s vision of a Free Federation of the Free Peoples of Europe.

He explained Sinn Féin Poblachtach’s opposition to the creation of a European Superstate, with its resultant loss of National Sovereignty, Neutrality and Non-Aligned status. "The best means of promoting, protecting and developing true democracy in Europe was by means of a Free Association of Sovereign Nation States", he said.

A member of the Euskal Herritarrok delegation from the Basque Country described the mass media as a "Filter", obstructing real dialogue between the "Stateless Nations of Europe".

"We must remove that filter", he said, "and open up real communication and solidarity with all peoples struggling for their National Freedom. "A representative of ‘Sardigna Natzione’ described ‘National Liberation’ as the core objective of his organisation, saying that only Independence: "will go to the heart of the problem, allowing the people of Sardinia to develop freely". A member of LAB, the Basque Trade Union Movement, stressed the importance to establish the economic and political rights of nations and control of social framework to guarantee sovereignty.

Over the three days issues such as Sovereignty, Autonomy and National identity within Europe led to much debate. Speakers from Brittany and the Basque country said that the EU gave no recognition to the ‘Stateless Nations’ by working totally within the parameters of the existing States. Mark Lockerby, from the Isle of Man, representing the Celtic League said that the EU simply "promotes the interests of the established states who in most cases are former imperialist powers".

A number of contributors from the various nations saw the breakdown of the sovereignty of the existing EU States would somehow free them from oppression of those states.

Both Des Dalton, of Sinn Féin Poblachtach and Cathal Ó Luain of the Celtic League pointed out that this would simply be replacing one form of oppression for another within a European Superstate, exchanging rule from London, Paris, Madrid or Rome for that of Brussels.

This IV Conference of CONSEU provided a platform for the voiceless peoples of Europe, allowing them to come together freely to exchange ideas, to reassert their national identities and to put in place a network of solidarity to advance the cause of national self-determination.
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No clemency for Peltier

BILL Clinton on his last day in office as US President failed to grant clemency to the American Indian political prisoner, Leonard Peltier, despite earlier indications that he would.

Peltier has spent 24 years in jail on a charge of killing two FBI agents on the Pine Ridge Reservation in South Dakota. Peltier has been refused a new trial or parole despite evidence that the FBI intimidated witnesses, used false evidence and concealed ballistics tests. He has in fact been denied parole because he will not confess to a crime he did not commit. Peltier suffers from diabetes, a heart condition, near blindness in one eye and hypertension.

His conviction dates from the period from 1973-1976 which Indians at the Pine Ridge Reservation call the "Reign of Terror" – when more than 60 American Indian activists were killed.

In a personal statement following Clinton’s failure, Peltier described the decision as cruel. A campaign had been mounted to persuade Clinton to grant "Executive Clemency".

In his statement Peltier said: "January 19 came and still they kept us in nervous anticipation saying the more difficult clemencies are still being worked on and would be announced the next morning. Then January 20 came and went! The White House never even told us what the decision was. We had to find out through the press that my name was not on the list of clemencies. To leave a person’s life and so many peoples’ hopes hanging in the balance like that is truly hardhearted . . .

"I am just as determined now to fight for my freedom as I was on February 6, 1976 when I was first arrested. I will not give up. This is the second time in the span of my incarceration that I made it to the top of the hill and saw that freedom was in view, only to be kicked right back down to the bottom again.

"The first time was in 1985, when the evidence used to convict me was impeached and I was denied a new trial, despite Judge Heaney’s finding that I might have been acquitted had the jury been presented this evidence. To be denied a new trial after such a finding shocked our network and me just as much as this denial of clemency has. However, we never lose a battle without making some major gains in the overall struggle . . .

"We can see who was granted clemency and why. The big donors to the Presidents campaign were able to buy justice, something we just couldn’t afford. Meanwhile, many political prisoners continue to languish unjustly, proof that this nation’s talk about reconciliation is nothing but empty rhetoric."
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Ireland’s Forgotten Ten

SINCE the announcement by the 26-County department of Justice on November 1 last that they are to release from Mountjoy prison the bodies of the "Forgotten Ten", as they have become known, for reburial in Glasnevin Cemetery’s Republican Plot, there has been renewed interest in who these men were and the circumstances which led them to the gallows. Of course, the real reason for the release of the remains of these IRA Volunteers is that the 26-County authorities wish to build over their graves.

The story of these ordinary men placed in extraordinary circumstances is the story of an heroic generation of Irish people who were willing to take on what was then a world power for the freedom and independence of their country.

Kevin Barry, perhaps the best-known of the ten, who came to personify Ireland’s struggle for freedom, much as Bobby Sands did in more recent years, was born in Dublin’s Fleet Street on January 20, 1902, growing up on the family farm of Tombeagh near Hacketstown, Co Carlow. Educated at Rathvilly National School and later St Mary’s College, Rathmines and Belvedere, he entered UCD in 1919 as a medical student.

Kevin joined C Company of the 1st Battalion, Dublin Brigade of the Irish republican Army in October 1917, later transferring to H Company. He also was active along with his brother Michael in C Company of the 3rd Battalion of the Carlow Brigade.

In Dublin he saw active service, taking part in the raid for arms on the King’s Inns in June 1920. However, it was following an attack on a British army rations party at Monk’s Bakery in King Street, Dublin that Kevin Barry was captured. Despite undergoing torture at the hands of the British army in the North Dublin Union, he refused to give the names of his comrades who took part in the attack …

Following a court-martial which he refused to recognise, he was sentenced to death, rejecting further offers of financial reward and release if he gave information. On November 1, 1920 he was hanged in Mountjoy prison.

Frank Flood, from Summerhill on Dublin northside, like Kevin Barry was also a student at UCD, where he studied engineering. He and his brothers Thomas, Seán and Peter were all active members of the Dublin Brigade, in fact his brother Tom, captured following the attack on the Custom House on May 28, 1921 also faced execution. However a bout of appendicitis and the Truce of July 1921 intervened.

Frank served with the Dublin Brigade’s Active Service Unit. Along with Kevin Barry he participated in the King’s Inn raid and the Monk’s Bakery attack. On February 9, 1921, at Clonturk Park, Drumcondra, he took part in an abortive ambush on a Black-and-Tan tender. But due to an informer their presence was discovered. In the fight which ensued, one Volunteer, Patrick Kennedy, was killed, another, James Murphy, died three days later as a result of the beating he received from the Tans.

Five Volunteers were captured, all five were sentenced to death. Dermot O’Sullivan (17) was subsequently reprieved, and the other four, Frank Flood, Patrick Doyle, who also took part in the King’s Inn raid, Thomas Bryan and Bernard Ryan were hanged on March 14.

Also executed along with the Clonturk Four were Thomas Whelan and Patrick Moran for their part in the execution of 14 British agents on November 21, 1920, more famously known as Bloody Sunday. The case of Moran is all the more tragic in that he was presented with the opportunity to escape from Kilmainham jail along with Ernie O’Malley, Simon Donnelly and Frank Teeling in February 1921. However, such was his confidence that the evidence against him was so discredited that he would be acquitted, he refused to join the escape.

Moran, a native of Boyle, Co Roscommon, took part in the 1916 Rising as part of the Jacob’s Factory garrison, and was later imprisoned in Knutsford and Wormwood Scrubbs. He went on to serve as Captain, D Company 11th Dublin Battalion. He was also a leading member of the Grocer’s Assistants Trade Union.

Thomas Traynor, a native of Tullow, Co Carlow, also took part in the 1916 Rising and was an active member of C Company, 3rd Battalion, Dublin Brigade. On march 14, 1921 two lorry loads of Auxiliaries, supported by an armoured car attempted to raid the Battalion HQ at 144 Brunswick Street (now Pearse Street). The fight which ensued lasted for almost twelve hours.

Volunteers Bernard O’Hanlon and Leo Fitzgerald were killed in action, another two, Thomas Traynor and Jack Donnelly were captured. Both were sentenced to death. Thomas Traynor was hanged on April 26, 1921. Donnelly avoided a similar fate when the Truce was announced on July 11.

Edward Foley and Patrick Maher from Galbally, Co Limerick were both executed for their part in the rescue of Seán Hogan from Knocklong Station, Co Limerick in May 1919. Seán Hogan. Séamus Robinson, Seán Treacy and Dan Breen had staged the Soloheadbeg ambush on January 21, 1919, the first major military action of the Tan War.

Following this the Big Four as they became known were hunted throughout Munster. So when Hogan was captured on May 12, 1919, his comrades were determined to rescue him. When word reached Treacy on the following day that Hogan was to be moved by train from Thurles to Cork, he decided to ambush the train at Knocklong, Co Limerick with the aid of the local Galbally Company, IRA.

Following a shoot-out which resulted in both Treacy and Dan Breen being seriously wounded, and the deaths of two of Hogan’s RIC escort, Hogan was freed. Edward Foley had taken part in the ambush but was unarmed. Patrick Maher, although an active Volunteer, had taken no part in the rescue. However, Foley, Maher and four other local men were charged with the shooting of the two RIC men. One of the Six, Michael O’Connell, was released following a hunger strike. Three of the others were acquitted. Following a five-day court-martial Foley and Maher were sentenced to death in March 1921.

On the eve of the execution the family of Ned Foley, who were staying at the Four Courts Hotel, were subjected to a raid by Crown Forces and all the male members of the family were arrested. Ned Foley and Pat Maher were hanged on June 7, 1921. The day before their execution they issued a statement: "Fight on, struggle on, for the honour, glory and freedom of dear old Ireland."

These men, from differing backgrounds, professions and social classes were united in their commitment to Ireland’s right to self-determination, each willing to sacrifice everything including their lives to establish that right. What is amazing is the total serenity exhibited by them as they faced death, a serenity which came from an absolute belief in the cause for which they were about to die.

Which makes it all the more important that their re-burials should not be hijacked by those who do not share that same absolute commitment to Irish freedom and who would subvert the All-Ireland republic for which they so readily laid down their lives.
-- Deasún Ó Daltún
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‘The most dangerous man in Munster’

Alias Seán Forde, by Tom Malone, published by Danesfort Publications/Elo Publications, Hardback £10, Paperback, £7.50.

TOMÁS Ó Maoileoin or Seán Forde, the name used by him during the Tan War, was one of the legendary figures of the 1916/21 period in Ireland.

"The most dangerous man in Munster" was how Richard Mulcahy described him during the Civil War. Ó Maoileoin was an active Republican from 1912 to 1938 and was to remain an unrepentant Republican until his death in 1981. His story, dealing in particular with the Tan War period is told by his son Tom in the recently-published Alias Seán Forde.

Tom charts his father’s early life in the townland of Meedin, near Tyrellspass, Co Westmeath, where he grew up along with two brothers and a sister. Tomás was politically aware from an early age, due in the main to the influence of his parents, William and Máire Malone. In fact at the age of eight he shared a platform with the famous Land Leaguer, Michael Davitt, at a meeting chaired by his father outside Mullingar. However, it was his mother, herself a remarkable woman, who would have the greatest influence on the young Tomás.

A national school teacher, she incurred the wrath of the local Education Board for teaching the children under her care their prayers in Irish and for using the so-called Fenian Catechism of Archbishop McHale. Dismissed from her post, she staged a sit-in, eventually being forcibly removed by the RIC, bailiffs and the local parish priest. As a consequence she opted to provide her children’s elementary education at home as well as teaching Irish to the local children at night.

The book chronicles the influence of Liam Mellows on the three brothers, Tomás, Séamus and Seosamh. In 1912 Mellows enrolled Séamus into the IRB and Tomás and Seosamh into Na Fianna Éireann.

The Ó Maoileoins were to become the driving force of Republicanism within Co Westmeath and ensured in 1916 that despite MacNeill’s countermanding order some resistance was offered to British forces in Co Westmeath, when with the aid of some local Volunteers they defended the family home for a week.

Following internment in Frongoch, Tomás immediately threw himself back into the work of re-organising the Republican Movement. He was elected to the Executive of the Irish republican Army in December 1916 and he would remain a member until 1938. Drawing on contemporary sources, Tom Malone brings to life a story of life on the run, with the possibility of death a constant companion, of jailbreaks, including the first successful escape from Cork’s Spike Island, of barrack attacks and hair’s breadth escapes. It is a story of one man’s unique contribution to Ireland’s struggle for national independence.

Sent to the East Limerick area in 1919 by GHQ, ostensibly as an organiser for the Dáil Loan, launched by the fledgling Dáil Éireann to raise much-needed finance, he was in reality sent there to deal with a rift within the Brigade leadership and to ensure the Brigade fulfilled its military responsibility. In this he was spectacularly successful and by 1921 had forged the east Limerick Brigade into one of the most feared and effective military units within the IRA.

The book is a fine production, liberally sprinkled with photographs, some published for the first time, and previously unpublished letters including a series from Margaret Gavin Duffy, wife of George Gavin Duffy, to Mrs Malone.

Tom Malone, in his introduction, points to his dislike of writing, however, he has produced a book which is a credit to its author and added a worthy volume to the Irish Republican narrative.
— Deasún Ó Daltún