Limerick Ard Chomhairle member Joe Lynch said that the people are now totally disillusioned with the way politicians have behaved in taking huge sums of money from a multi-millionaire family.

“The fact is that Dunnes Stores do not treat their workers in such a generous fashion and the money handed to politicians has come out of the wages of company employees. It is the workers of Dunes who contribute to the huge turnover. By taking secret contributions from the company, the politicians have betrayed the workers.

“The irony is that in the next few weeks parties and politicians who have enjoyed the generosity of Dunnes will be asking ordinary workers for their votes.

“We are calling on all workers to be alert to the fact that money has been paid to political parties by big business. Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael, Labour and other political parties are to a large extent funded by wealthy business people. Therefore they cannot act in the best interests of ordinary workers or on behalf of those with no influence in the community.”
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The disestablishment of the United Kingdom is clearly on the political agenda. That process should be supported by English democrats.
— Micheál Mac Aonghusa in the Spring 1997 edition of CARN, journal of the Celtic League.
A vote for Pat Doherty is a vote for: strong leadership, inclusive dialogue, equality of treatment, credible negotiations.
— The Provisional’s limited agenda in its election leaflet in west Tyrone, March-April 1997.
Seán Ó Callaghan of the Hans Christian Anderson Brigade of the IRA.
— “Pathetic News”, RTÉ Radio One, March 1, 1997.
No one truly knows a nation until one has been inside its jails. A nation should be judged not by how it treats its highest citizens but its lowest ones.
— Nelson Mandela, quoted in Irish Times, March 20, 1997.
But grass-roots Republicans will be the first to recognise the move as being much more significant. It will change (Provisional) Sinn Féin from a principled abstentionist party into a slightly abstentionist party and it brings tangibly closer the day when (Provisional) Sinn Féin decides to embrace constitutionalism fully.
— Ed Moloney, Sunday Tribune, April 6, 1997.
But how could it be that the disruption of a horse race is considered such an outrage and the murder of a Belfast Catholic apparently treated as no consequence?
— Vincent Browne, Irish Times, April 9, 1997.
The arson attacks on the churches have evoked not a whimper of condemnation or even comment from those so upset over the Aintree bomb hoaxes last Saturday afternoon.
— Vincent Browne.
Now if all the (Provisional) Republican Movement wants is (a) inclusion in all-party talks and (b) the moderate set of demands outlined by Gerry Kelly (no return to Stormont, no return to unionist domination, no return to second-class citizenship), how conceivably could this justify the taking of a single human life or the threat to take a single human life?
— Vincent Browne.
I’ll go to Westminster every fortnight . . .
— Nell McCafferty quoting Martin McGuinness, Sunday Tribune, April 13, 1997.
By the way, there’s a Spanish businessman, Javier Ferreiro, facing a ten-year prison sentence in Miami. Not for drugs, pornography or gun-running . . . but for shipping canned vegetables, ketchup, and sanitary napkins to Cuba.
— Seamus Keenan, Irish News, April 19, 1997
But, he is, one way or another — whether he’s telling total truth or not — essentially a propaganda tool for the British government and its fellow-travellers at present. He seems a “sad” case indeed.
— Television critic, Irish Times, April 19, 1997.
We are working to bring an end to the IRA
— Gerry Adams, RTÉ Radio One, April 20, 1997.
[Provisional] Sinn Féin is a party walking a tight-rope. It claims it is trying to move from guerrilla war to normal politics. In the chasm beneath lie repression, internment and even physical annihilation. Across the divide they see the promised land called Peaceful Settlement with bright cities that have names like Parity of Esteem, Equality of Treatment and Amnesty for All Political Prisoners . . . if the Provos have become Stickies, then the unionists will clasp them to their bosom.
— Deaglán de Bréadún, Irish Times, April 21, 1997.
He would like to think that if Labour comes to power, “it will make this whole issue of Ireland and its Irish policy a matter of major priority.”
— Irish Times report of interview by Deaglán de Bréadún with Gerry Adams, April 23, 1997.
[Provisional] Sinn Féin is planning to open an office in London after the general election to raise its political profile at Westminster.
— Richard McAuley, press officer in the Irish Times, April 23, 1997.
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This new study, called Pathways to a basic income, was prepared by Prof Charles Clark of New York and John Healy. While it refers to Ireland, in fact it deals exclusively with the 26 counties.

CORI’s Justice Commission has been advocating the need for an alternative to the present tax and social welfare systems which have failed to tackle poverty effectively and are riddled with poverty traps and unemployment traps.

This new study is an impressive fully-costed alternative based on the introduction of a basic income system.

A basic income is a payment that is unconditionally granted to every citizen, including children, on an individual basis, and is free of tax. This payment would replace a large section of social welfare payments and all tax allowances and reliefs.

A flat tax would be levied on all other personal income. PRSI would be abolished and replaced with an 8% payroll tax, which would mean a reduction for employers compared to the present system.

The study outlines the following advantages over the current tax and social welfare systems:

• It spreads the burden of taxation more equitably.
• It is simple and transparent and everyone can see that the taxes and benefits are spread more equitably.
• It rewards types of work in the social economy that the market economy often ignores eg household work, child rearing etc.
• It guarantees that no one falls below a minimum income.
• It facilitates further education and training in the labour force.
• It promotes a more flexible labour force that is better prepared to respond to the shocks of a global economy.
• It treats men and women equally.

Prof Joe Lee of UCC launched the study. He said that in Elizabethan times a Poor Law system had to be devised to help the poor. The same had to be done again in the period of the Industrial Revolution. And the present day social welfare in the Poor Law system we have developed to protect up to 40% of our people who have been deprived of full citizenship.

The launch was attended by over 200 people. At the Open Forum two senior civil servants vehemently attacked the plan.

Séamus Ó Nóráin, Asst Secretary of the Dept of Enterprise and Employment accused Fr Seán Healy of CORI of merely “propagandising” and failure to address the issue of encouraging entrepreneurship.

Fr Healy took “very grave exception” to those remarks and had his own criticism of government departments. Another speaker said it was a bit much to have to listen to civil servants talking about entrepreneurship.
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The incidents happened during the Drumcree ’96 affair. Denton was away from her office at the Department of Agriculture of Northern Ireland (DANI). Denton’s private secretary Alvina Saunders was vocal in her support for the Orange Order during the stand-off.

Hedley said to the Irish News (April 28): “The final slap in the face was when she came out and announced — and it really was with glee – that they were marching down the [Garvaghy] Road and why shouldn’t they because they always had, and she couldn’t understand why anyone would get upset about it.”

Shortly afterwards Hedley was told by Saunders that she (Hedley) was being transferred to another post. The next working day, a Monday, Hedley went to her superiors in Stormont to complain about her treatment.

A meeting was arranged for her and the head of personnel, Hugh Moore. She told Moore of the harassment and questioned how she could be moved without any formal procedure. If she wasn’t up to the job, why did nobody say?

Moore told her there was no question of her not being up to the job and that he could try to have her returned immediately if she so wished – or he could arrange a transfer. She said she couldn’t work in the same office as Saunders and requested a transfer to the tourist board.

However Moore did not offer her the option of keeping her job while the allegations of harassment were probed, with Alvina Saunders being transferred in the meantime. This, Hedley says, would have been her preferred option. it would also have been proper fair employment practice.
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Born Una McNally in Elphin, Co Roscommon she was active in the Republican Movement from her early teens as a member of Cumann na mBan.

When she married Josie Murray of Boyle she went to live there. They had a large family of 13 children who are grieved by the passing of a kind, considerate and caring mother.

When the family moved to Dublin in the 1950s, Úna Murray kept open house for Republicans from all over Ireland. The freedom-fighters from the Occupied Six Counties were especially welcome.

All experienced the sincerest ceád míle fáilte in the Murray household and received innumerable acts of kindness. Shelter was available there even when the hunt was at its height.

Mention of Úna Murray’s name and those of her family ever since was sure to bring deeply-felt expressions of appreciation and gratitude from all who experienced their hospitality.

She was a convinced Republican all her life, dedicated to the ending of British rule in Ireland, and she helped in every way she possibly could.

Una Murray’s coffin was draped in the National Flag when it was removed from the home known to so many Republicans to St Joseph’s Church, Terenure on April 28.

Following Mass the next day the funeral took place to Boyle, Co Roscommon where she was interned in Assylin Cemetery beside her husband Josie who predeceased her ten years ago.

Among the attendance at the graveside were Ruairí Ó Brádaigh, Uachtarán, Sinn Féin Poblachtach and many locval Republicans. Organisations represented included the Roscommon IRA Commemoration Committee, the County Memorial Committee and Roscommon Comhairle Ceantair, Republican Sinn Féin.

Sincerest sympathy is expressed by the staff of SAOIRSE to her family, grandchildren and great-grandchildren.

Ar Dheis Dé go raibh a h-anam uasal.
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Born Josephine Clara Bradley at Dripsey, Co Cork in 1906 she became the wife of Commandant Seán Murray, IRA and was active in support of the Republican Movement all her life.

When the family moved to London she became a founder member of the Ann Devlin Branch of Cumann na mBan and joined the Roger Casement Cumann of Republican Sinn Féin there.

The British Government introduced the Prevention of Violence Act in July 1939. She and her family were among the first deportees from England to Ireland in early August that year.

A staunch and unwavering Republican Seosaimhín Uí Mhuirighthe was in support of Sinn Féin Poblachtach to the very end. She and her family subscribed generously to Feis na Poblachta, Teach Dáithí Ó Conaill and Coiste Thoghachán Údarás na Gaeltachta in recent years.

A lone piper led the funeral cortege of this noble Irishwoman while a Guard of Honour escorted the hearse. Canon O’Callaghan, Bandon – formerly of Glounthane – officiated at the graveside.

The staff of an Ard Oifig and foireann SHAOIRSE express their sympathy to her son, Pádraig Ó Muirighthe.

Solus Fhlaitheas Dé dá h-anam dílis.
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He is survived by his wife Florrie, sister Rita, three sons and five daughters. The removal from McHugh’s funeral home, Strokestown was largely attended. His coffin was draped in the Tricolour and the hearse was escorted by a Guard of Honour of local Republican Sinn Féin members. it was preceded by a piper from the Raheen Pipe Band playing slow airs.

Following the funeral from Carniska to Bumlin cemetery on April 1 Dermot Mullooly, Strokestown spoke at the graveside:

“Packey Sweeney was a founder-member of the Tom Clarke Cumann of Republican Sinn Féin in Carniska in 1957. He took part in all the Cumann activities down the years, paper and ticket selling, canvassing at elections, distributing Easter Lilies and attending commemorations.

“The presence of over 40 members of the local pageant group The Mountain People who formed a Guard of Honour from the gate to the door at Carniska Church indicated and respect afforded to him as a community activist.

“A musician, he played the concert flute and was a member of the local fife and drum band some years ago. He was deeply interested and very well versed in the history of the Republican Movement and the Republican struggle for Irish Freedom down the years.

“The Sweeney family appreciate greatly all tributes paid to their late father and wish to thank all concerned. His comrades in Republican Sinn Féin express their sincere sympathy and offer them solace in their great loss. They should be very proud of their late father’s activities and stand over the decades

“Ar dheis Dé go raibh a anam dílis.”
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The late Seán Maher was aged 62. He was born in Fore Tyrrellspass. He was a nephew of James Daly, shot dead in India in November 1920 for his part in the Connaught Rangers Mutiny the previous summer.

A large crowd attended the removal from the mortuary in Tullamore to Saint James Church in Kilbeggan on Tuesday April 2, and again at the funeral to the relic cemetery on the following day. A Republican Guard of Honour escorted the remains on both occasions. The coffin was draped in the tricolour and a Kilgeggan Shamrocks GAA jersey was also placed on it. Amongst the attendance at the removal was Ruairí Ó Brádaigh — Uachtarán Shinn Féin Poblachtach.

At the graveside Emmet Walsh Sinn Féin Poblachtach, Offaly introduced Seosamh Ó Maoileoin to the crowd.

Before he concluded an t-uasal Ó Maoileoin said he was pleased to see the National Flag remain on the coffin in the church overnight.

Brian McCorraic, Domore laid a wreath on behalf of the Republican Movement.
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