Niall Plunkett O’Boyle

REPUBLICANS from Wicklow, Kildare and Dublin attended the annual Niall Plunkett O’Boyle commemoration at Knocknadruce in Co. Wicklow on May 13.

The proceedings were chaired by Des Dalton, Kildare, a decade of the Rosary as Gaeilge was recited by Ibar Hawkins.

Matt Conway laid a wreath at the spot where O’Boyle was killed and the Last Post and Reveille was played by trumpeter Johnathan Bermingham, Dublin.

The Cathaoirleach then called on Tomás Ó Cléirigh, Ard Chomhairle, Dublin to give the oration, in the course of which he said:

“A Chomrádaithe: By humbling ourselves before a sacred cause and the young men and women who made the ultimate sacrifice for oppressed -- we elevate ourselves above tyrants and their underlings.

On this hill in 1923, Britain’s underlings in Ireland, a force of over 40 Free State troops surrounded the home of Elizabeth Norton and her daughter Sarah who had been billeting a column of Republican soldiers under the command of Niall Plunkett O’Boyle.

Faced with a barrage of Free State gunfire on the house -- this brave soldier from Donegal stepped out of the house and asked that the women who were non-combatants should be allowed out to safety.

He carried no arms during this attempted parley with the enemy. Their answer was to gun him down where he stood.

Niall Plunkett O’Boyle was but a young man of 25 when he met his death at Knocknadruce. Thomas Davis when asked by an admirer “have you ever been in love” replied, “I have never been out of it.

It was that love, that feeling of oneness with downtrodden humanity that was the strength and driving force behind Plunkett of Knocknadruce.

Seasann Pluincéad go hard in ár gcroithe mar sheas sé an fód ar son a chosmuintir agus Poblacht uile Éireann. Bhí sé lán de dhóchas. Níor chréid sé in éadóchas.

When we hear of young people wasted on drug addiction and committing suicide we as revolutionaries know that these young people are the victims of what has been called the goddess success.

Not to make it in the capitalist rat-race is to feel a sense of worthlessness. We Republicans as heirs of the vision of Niall Plunkett O’Boyle in a great spirit of hope and enthusiasm march forward with that vision to be realised in ÉIRE NUA where colonialism and uniform individualism will be replaced by a sense of belonging to the community.

Where Orange and Green shall stand proud together and a reviewed spirit of hope shall replace the evil spectre of fatalism as the guiding light of youth.

Cuimhne agus saothar Niall Pluinceád Ó Baoighil abú.

The ceremony ended with the singing of Amhrán na bhFiann.
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For The Record

THURS. MAY 3, 2001: Two men attacked a 29-year-old nationalist man from Maghera, Co Derry and tried to force him into a car as he walked home after an evening in a local pub. A six-foot Gaelic footballer, he fought off his attackers and escaped.

FRI. MAY 4, 2001: A Belfast man, Paul Daly was shot dead in Belfast in front of his wife and 13-year-old daughter outside a relative’s house in Stephen Street, off Carrick Hill. Locals heard up to nine shots as two men approached. A car used by the gunmen was later found abandoned in the loyalist Shankill area, where an attempt had been made to burn it out.

The European Court of Human Rights at Strasbourg ordered the British government to pay £10,000 to the relatives of 12 men shot dead by the British army between 1982 and 1991.

A blast bomb attack was launched at the rear of the Glen Road RUC barracks in Andersonstown, west Belfast.

SAT. MAY 5, 2001: Republican Sinn Féin commemorated the 20th anniversary of the H-Block hunger strikes with commemorative events in Belfast, Dublin, Galway, Limerick, Tipperary, Kerry and London.

MON. MAY 7, 2001: Two amateur ornithologists were walking on the Black Mountain outside Belfast when they stumbled across elaborate spying equipment trained on homes in West Belfast. Within minutes of the discovery, British Crown Forces launched a major recovery operation in the area. One of the walkers attempted to dislodge some of the cameras and listening devices but they were too entrenched into the mountainside. Included in the find were two high powered telescopic lenses trained on the upper Andersonstown area.

The home in Churchill Road, Larne, Co Antrim of SDLP assembly member Danny O’Connor was attacked by the loyalist death squad the UDA/UFF. Bricks and stones were thrown at the house but did not break the bullet-proof glass, but did smash a window of a car belonging to Danny O’Connor’s disabled father in the latest of a long string of sectarian attacks on his home.

The Royal Mail office in Hendon, north London was targeted in a bomb attack.

TUES. MAY 8, 2001: David Trimble threatened to resign on July 1 unless the Provisionals’ military wing had put their arms beyond use by the end of June.

THURS. MAY 10, 2001: Three men were arrested and a loaded sub-machine gun along with 50 rounds of ammunition seized when a car was stopped at the junction of Eden Terrace and Northland Road.

An 18-year-old man was shot in the arm as he opened a cabin on a housing development in Portadown, Co Armagh in an attack which is believed to be part of the loyalist feud.

FRI. MAY 11, 2001: In a second murder bid connected to the loyalist feud the home of Barry Bradbury (60) in Donard Gardens, Portadown, Co Armagh was sprayed with gunfire.

SAT./SUN. MAY 12/13, 2001: Nationalists in the Springfield area of Belfast came under attack from loyalists who threw petrol bombs across the Shankill/Falls Road interface. An attempt was also made to abduct a man near Lanark Way. He escaped from four men who pulled up in a car and tried to stab him with a screwdriver.

SUN. MAY 13, 2001: Catherine Swindell (30) and her children, including one aged four months, were awakened from their sleep when an explosive device which had been shoved by loyalist death squad members through the letterbox of their home in Snugville Street in the Shankill area of Belfast went off. The hallway and its door took the main force of the blast preventing the flames from spreading to the living room. The family has since fled their home. Two petrol bombs were thrown near Workman Street.

A group of about 30 loyalists attacked a nationalist-owned pub in Woodhouse Street, near the Garvaghy Road in Portadown, Co Armagh, leaving one nationalist with serious head injuries and chanting slogans about Robert Hamill, the nationalist man kicked to death in front of the RUC in 1997. The attack sparked a confrontation between the loyalists and people from the nationalist community which led to several people being arrested by the RUC.

Nationalists in Mountpottinger and Short Strand sustained loyalist assaults which resulted in street clashes between nationalists and loyalists at the junction of the loyalist Thistle Street and nationalist Madrid Street and Bryson Street..

MON. MAY 14, 2001: Nationalists in the interface area of Bryson Street and Madrid Street in Belfast’s Short Strand claimed they were fired on by a single gunman who appeared from the loyalist Tower Street and fired two shots at the crowd which had gathered at the interface. A number of empty blank cases and the remains of fire crackers were recovered. There were further clashes between loyalists and nationalists in the area.

In Portadown it was reported that up to 300 loyalists had gathered at the town end of the Garvaghy Road.

In the Ballysillan area of north Belfast a man was shot in the leg as he walked along Ballysillan Avenue in an incident connected to the loyalist feud.

TUES. MAY 15, 2001: A missile was fired from a vehicle parked close to Bessbroook Mill, Bessbrook, Co Armagh at Bessbrook RUC barracks.

WED. MAY 16, 2001: The American Administration banned the so-called Real IRA as well as the 32-County Sovereignty Movement and the Irish Republican Prisoners Welfare Association.

THURS. MAY 17, 2001: A bomb was left outside a British army barracks in Derry city. No one was injured.

A pipe-bomb was thrown through the window of a nationalist home in Mossvale Park in the Ballysally area of Coleraine, Co Derry. Another pipe-bomb was pushed through the letterbox of a house in Quickthorn Place in the Harpers Hill area of the town five minutes later.

FRI. MAY 18, 2001: Republican POW, Tommy Crossan, Maghaberry prison, had his nomination papers rejected by the British government under a law passed by the British House of Commons preventing the nomination of prisoners following the election of hunger striker Bobby Sands in 1981.

SUN. MAY 20, 2001: Loyalist stone-throwers carried out a sustained attack on Bombay Street. Bricks, golf balls and other missiles smashed windows of houses and damaged cars.

MON. MAY 21, 2001: Fourteen mothers and more than 20 children were forced to flee the Cuper Street hostel in the Bombay Street area of west Belfast in which they resided when loyalists mounted an arson attack on the premises.

Nationalist residents in the Bombay Street area have been under almost nightly attack by stone-throwing youths thrown by loyalists across the peace-line.

Raymond and Christine Nixon fled their Forthriver Link home in the loyalist Glencairn estate in north Belfast after a petrol bomb and breeze block were hurled through their living room window, in the second attack on their home in two weeks.

SAT. MAY 26, 2001: Four people were in a house in the Carnany estate, Ballymoney, Co Antrim, a woman, her partner, a 16-year old boy and a baby when an explosive device was thrown. The inhabitants escaped injury but a car and fence were damaged.

Eighteen civilians and 57 RUC members were injured following serious rioting on the Garvaghy Road in Portadown, Co Armagh following a Junior Orange Order parade loyalist parade. The RUC fired between 12 and 15 plastic baton rounds and a number of people were struck. Local residents said the clashes began after a day of sectarian intimidation from British army units.

Photographers were singled out and set upon during a UVF parade in north Belfast.

An unexploded grenade was found beside a British army base in Strabane, Co Tyrone.

TUES. MAY 29, 2001: A GAA club in Killyleagh, Co Down was destroyed in an arson attack.
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Coilíneacht

IS IOMAÍ caint ar na saolta seo faoi “shaoirse” na hÉireann, faoi “neamhspleáchas” na hÉireann, faoi “fhlaitheas” na hÉireann; ach níl sna téarmaí sin uilig ach bréaga (nó aineolas, b’fhéidir). Níl san oileán seo, thuaidh theas, thiar thoir, ach coilíneacht. Ní tuairimíocht atá i gceist anseo, i gcead duitse, a léitheoir, ach fíric. Ach breathnaigh ar an bhfianaise.

Nuair a bhíonn ionadaithe na 26 gContaetha páirteach i gcruinniú idirnáisiúnta, os a gcomhair bíonn fógra, a chuireann in iúl gur coilíneacht, Ireland, atá i láthair. Os comhair gach grúpa eile is i dteanga dhúchais na tíre atá an fógra, mar atá France, Deutschland, Portugal, agus mar sin de.

Chomh fada lem’ eolas, ba iad na Lochlannaigh a chum an téarma úd, Ireland, (.i. Éire + land), cé go raibh Iras, ‘na hÉireannaigh’, sa tSean-Bhéarla. Focal Ind-Eorpach atá i –land, agus tá leagan na Gaeilge de ar fáil sna focla a chríochnaíonn le ‘-lann’ (uachtarlann, otharlann, leabharlann, etc).

Mar is feasach, is minic logainm i nGaeilge sa dtuiseal tabhartach; agus ar an dóigh sin is amhlaidh a mhair ainm na tíre ag Gaeilgeoirí agus Béarlóirí araon, go háirithe sna bailéidí, leithéidí Come Back to Érin, go dtí 1900, ar a laghad. Sa tSean-Ghaeilge, ba é Ériu ainm ár dtíre (agus an tabhartach, Ére nó ‘Érin[n]’).

Ar na scoláirí móra a d’fhág an tír seo, le dul ag obair ar Mhór-Roinn na hEorpa, bhí Joannes Scottus Ériugena, a bhí fostaithe ag Cathal an Maolán, le bheith i mbun na scoile ina chúirt i bPáras, thart faoin mbliain 847 AD. Is é is ciall le ‘Ériugena’, an té a rugadh in Éirinn, nó fear a bhí bródúil as a leithéid, agus sin a cheangal lena ainm, d’eile!

Faoin am sin tugadh Scottus i lingua franca na hEorpa, an Laidin, ar Éireannach agus ar Albanach; ach is cosúil gurbh é a theastaigh ó Ériugena béim ar leith a chur ar a chuid náisiúntachta. Tig linn a shamhlú céard é a cheapfadh an fear seo faoi nós ár máistrí, faoin lipéad úd, Ireland! Ach is cosúil nach bhfuil aon náire fágtha orthu siúd, Dia linn.

B’fhéidir gurbh Bunreacht de Valera a chuir ruaig ar ‘Éire’, nuair a leag sé síos an riail gurbh é ‘Ireland’ ainm na tíre agus Béarla i réim, agus ‘Éire’ agus ár teanga dhúchais i gceist. ‘Táirmheon’ a thabharfadh Máirtín Ó Cadhain ar a leithéid.

Go deimhin, b’amhlaidh a throid an státseirbhís abhus in éadan ‘Éire’ sna tríochaidí nuair a rinne Sasanaigh iarracht le sin a cheangal leis na 26 Chontae, mar theideal. In ainneoin sin uilig, is í ‘Éire’ atá beo go fóill ar stampaí na 26 gContaetha, agus go leith-scéalach, ar na nótaí bainc.

Blianta ó shin, agus stampaí poist fós faoin Roinn Rialtais, rinne státseirbhísigh iarracht le hainm na tíre a athrú go ‘Eire’, gan aon síneadh fada ar an túslitir; agus d’fhéadfaí a rá go fírinneach go raibh Éire ina hualach orthu.

Rinne cuid dínn clamhsán faoi agus chuireadar siúd in iúl dúinn nach mbíonn síneadh ar cheannlitir! Is cosúil gur faoi thionchar na Fraincíse a bhíodar, cé gur minic nach dtugann na Francaigh féin aon aird ar an riail. Ach deamhan riail idirnáisiúnta atá ann, ar aon chaoi, agus cuireadh an méid sin in iúl dóibh. Chuaigh dhá bhliain nó trí thart agus níor ghéilleadar. Faoi dheireadh, is cosúil, fuaireadar ordú ó pholaiteoir éigin, agus ó shin i leith (go fóillín!) is slán don síneadh fada.

Nuair a rugadh Telecom Eireann (ceart agat, gan síneadh ar an túslitir), rinne cuid dínn ár gcuid gearán. Ar dtús, ní bhfuaireamar ach tost. Tar éis moille, scaoil státseribhíseach an scéal: B’amhlaidh a vótáil stiúrthóirí an chomhlachta, nuair a cuireadh an cheist os a gcomhair, nach mneadh aon É sa teideal.

Ach cén fáth? Ní bhfuaireas freagra riamh. An bhfuairis féin? Mo thuairimse: Díoltas na státseirbhíse, aird faoi dheireadh ar a mbreithiúnas. Agus tabhair faoi ndeara an dream nua, Eircom, Leathan le leathan agus caol le caol?

Tá gluaisteán agam fós; agus; de réir dlí, caithfidh mé glacadh le IRL roimh an gcláruimhir. Béarla éiginteach agus gan aon reifreann againn. Agus, mar eolas duit, churifí fíneáil orm dá n-athróínn an IRL go dtí ÉIR, nó go dtí ÉIR/IRL. Bain triail as, más maith leat.

Más acmhainn duit, tabhair cuairt ar Euscaidi )Tír na mBascach) agus ar An gCatalóin (Catallunya) i mbliana agus tabhair faoi ndeara an meas atá ag an dá phobal sin ar a gcuid teangachaí, fíric is rí-léir don gcuairteoir. Ní deir siad go bhfuilid saor nó neamhspleách mar is rí-eol dóibh nach mar sin atá.

Blianta fada ó shin, agus Franco fós i gceannas, thugas cuairt ar mhainistir ar a dtugtar Serra D’Or, sa gCatalóin. D’éirigh liom agallamh a chur ar an Athair Ab. Inter alia, thángas ar eolas fíor-spéisiúil, nó ba shin an t-aon áit sa gCatalóin a raibh cead acu an Chatalóinis a úsáid go poiblí agus lena chois sin, iris a fhoilsiú sa teanga chéanna. Cén fáth, agus Franco chomh dian sin ar na “canúintí”, mar a thug sé ar theangacha na mBascach agus na Catalóine?

Concordáid idir stát na Spáinne agus an Vatacáin a bhronn an tsaoirse sin ar an mhainistir úd, Serra D’Or, toisc an Chatalóinis a bheith beo bíogach inti ó bunaíodh í, is cosúil, ach go háirithe toisc gur sheas cléir na Catalóine chomh daingean sin ar son a dteanga. Cuirtear an seasamh sin i. gcomparáid le stair na hEaglaise in Éirinn!

Ní fhéadfaí locht a fhágáil ar an Eaglais chéanna, is dócha, agus go háirithe Leuven (Louvaine) a chur sa mheá, go dtí bunú Choláiste Phádraig, Má Nuad, le cabhair ó sparán Sheoirse: Agus gach éinne a d’fhreastail ar an gColáiste sin, go dtí 1869, ar a laghad, b’éigean dó móid dílseachta don Rí gallda a thabhairt!

An mhóid sin ba chúis le damnú na mBuachaillí Bána ag an Eaglais; le damnú na bhFíníní; agus le damnú Óglaigh na hÉireann, chomh maith.

Ar an bhfianaise is láidre ar stádas na hÉireann mar choilíneacht tá scannal na logainmneacha sa tír, idir eatarthu an chaoi a bhfuil na leaganacha i gcló go poiblí, sa chaoi gur fíordheacair iad a léamh. Má mhairim, le cuidiú Dé, beidh a thuilleadh agam faoin ngné sin den bhfianaise sa gcéad eagrán eile.
-- Deasún Breatnach
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